Power Unseen

Charles Frith - Punk Planning: JFK Blocked Nuclear Israel Before His Murder

Here the Jew admits who has the power

 

How many Jews are there in the United States? No Gentile knows.

The figures are the exclusive property of the Jewish authorities.

The government of the United States can provide statistics on almost every matter pertaining to the population of the country, but whenever it has attempted in a systematic way to get information about the Jews who are constantly entering the country and the number now resident here, the Jewish lobby at Washington steps in and stops it.

*

The American people would be vastly surprised if they could see a
line-up of some of the “American business men” who hold up our
commercial prestige overseas.

They are mostly Jews.

They have a keen
sense of the value of the American name, and when in a foreign port you
stroll up to the office which bears the sign, “American Importing
Company,” or “American Commercial Company,” or other similarly
non-committal names, hoping to find a countryman, an American, you
usually find a Jew whose sojourn in America appears to have been all too
brief.

This may throw a sidelight on the regard in which “American
business methods” are held in some parts of the world.

When 30 or 40
different races of people can carry on business under the name
“American,” and do it legally, too, it is not surprising that Americans
do not recognize some of the descriptions of American methods which
appear in the foreign press.

The Germans long ago complained that the
rest of the world was judging them by the German-speaking Jewish
commercial traveler.

 The International Jew, by Henry Ford

Reversing the Zionist agenda

One may safely assume that Zionist organizations and agents in the U.S. are already hard at work with the Biden people to assure that no such reversal takes place.

As the U.S. and the world wait with anticipation for the Biden administration to take office, people with progressive agendas are feeling optimistic.

Teams working on immigration, health care, and the environment, to name just a few, are already at work preparing to move the United States in a new direction.

The one progressive issue where there is little optimism though is Palestine.

This is mostly because Joe Biden and Kamala Harris are both self-declared Zionists and because there is a history of total U.S. support for Israel.

But even though most American politicians are Zionists, Trump moving out of the White House presents a sense of a new beginning and should be used as an opportunity to change the paradigm on Palestine.

It can easily be demonstrated that Israel is a dangerous, even reckless state and that continued support for it only promises instability.

Israel is an apartheid state that is already on the verge of collapse. With over two million men women and children locked up in the uninhabitable Gaza Strip, hundreds of thousands of Palestinian citizens of Israel in the Naqab living without access to water or electricity, crime on the rise, and political instability growing, Israel is likely to become even more dangerous than it is today.

Furthermore, the Netanyahu government is tightly connected to Trump. In fact, one could argue that Trump’s entire foreign policy regarding the Middle East and Iran were dictated by Netanyahu.

Israel will, of course, vehemently oppose any reversal of the actions taken by the Trump-Kushner-Freedman trio.

One may safely assume that Zionist organizations and agents in the U.S. are already hard at work with the Biden people to assure that no such reversal takes place.

Still, Joe Biden will have to show that he stands by some, if not all, of the foreign policy agreements that were reached during the Obama years and later abandoned by Donald Trump.

He will likely have to do this even if it means Israel will be displeased. First and foremost would be a return to the Iran nuclear deal, also known as The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action.

The agreement with Iran was central to the Obama legacy, and Trump dropping out of the agreement pleased Israel to no end.

A return to the agreement will cause friction between Biden and Israel but since the entire spectrum of Israeli politicians ‚Äď the one exception being the Joint Arab List ‚Äď made no secret of their support for Trump, one would hope that some political payback is forthcoming.

Biden’s foreign policy team will also have to deal with the U.S. recognition of Jerusalem as the capital city of Israel and the consequent moving of the U.S. embassy from Tel-Aviv to Jerusalem, as well as the U.S. recognition of Israel’s annexation of the Syrian Golan Heights.

Both were gifts to the Netanyahu government, both were diplomatic blunders that aided Netanyahu, and both will be difficult to reverse.

 
There are a few things that the Biden team will be able to reverse, though not without serious objections from Israel.

These include a return to funding UNRWA, the UN agency charged with caring for over five million Palestinian refugees.

Those refugees languish in camps throughout Palestine and the surrounding countries because Israel violently expelled them, stole their land and property, and then banned them from returning.

Trump stopped funding for UNRWA in order to satisfy his Zionist-laden foreign policy team.

The reopening of the Palestinian mission in Washington D.C. is another act Israel will not like but one might expect will happen under the Biden administration.

It was on the twenty-fifth anniversary of the Oslo Accords that the Trump administration closed down the mission and did so in a manner that could not be less diplomatic, practically throwing out the head of mission, Dr. Husam Zumlot. Needless to say, Zionists were thrilled to see that there was no longer Palestinian representation in the U.S. capital.

Even if a new Biden administration ended up reversing Trump’s implementation of the above-mentioned policies, it would only mean that things had returned to where they were before, which was total support for Israel with a symbolic hint that some small measure of regard is given to the rights of Palestinians.

Progress will only come when it is made clear in Washington that no one can claim to support democracy and human rights while supporting Israel.

Support in congress

Support for Palestine is growing in the U.S. House of Representatives and with it the understanding that Zionist foreign policy, which dominates U.S. foreign policy, is flawed. Furthermore, there is a growing understanding that supporting human rights includes supporting Palestinian rights.

People are growing weary of the U.S. arming and financing Zionist ambitions, and it is not hard to see that Israel does not violate international law and human rights, but rather Israel is itself a violation of international law and human rights.

Every day that Palestinian refugees languish in camps is a violation of human decency as well as international law and the basic human rights of over five million people.

The fact that the homes, land, and property of these refugees were stolen by Israel after they were forced to flee by armed Zionist terror squads ‚Äď that is an ongoing violation of international law.

Each day that Palestinians in Gaza remain locked up in the world’s largest open-air prison is a violation of international law and the human rights of the over two million people who live in the Gaza Strip.

These are just a small sample of the many examples that demonstrate why no one can be progressive while supporting Israel.

Moving past Anti-Semitism

Israel has armed itself with the weapon of ‚Äúanti-semitism‚ÄĚ and it is wielding it with great mastery.

The use of the IHRA definition of anti-semitism and its acceptance by countless governments and non-governmental organizations has created a shield that protects Israel from criticism.

 

This shield also holds prisoner any organization that has adopted the definition.

Having adopted the definition prevents the possibility of ever expressing legitimate criticism of Israel without being accused of anti-semitism.

In the U.S., this definition has been adopted across the board, even the United States Department of State has adopted it.

Still, when the facts are laid out clearly, even the weaponization of anti-semitism cannot protect Israel.

There is a change in the air in the United States and although the Biden-Harris duo has declared themselves Zionists, there is an opportunity to push forward an aggressive pro-Palestine, pro-justice agenda.

A long time ago it seemed that U.S. support for a country by the name of South Vietnam (yes, there was a country by that name once) was unwavering and would never end.

There was also a racist, apartheid regime that ruled over most of Southern Africa, and the U.S. government as well as American corporations fought hard against any attempts to boycott and bring it down.

Yet, South Vietnam fell, as did the apartheid regime in South Africa.

Biden and Harris may be supporters of Zionism today, but that can change.

It is the duty of those who care for Palestine to make their voices heard now louder than ever before, to organize better and push as hard as possible. Millions of lives are at stake.

Feature photo | Joe Biden, projected on screens, is applauded by the audience as he addresses the American-Israeli Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) 2013 Policy Conference at the Walter E. Washington Convention Center in Washington, March 4, 2013. Susan Walsh | AP

Miko Peled is an author and human rights activist born in Jerusalem. He is the author of ‚ÄúThe General‚Äôs Son. Journey of an Israeli in Palestine,‚ÄĚ and ‚ÄúInjustice, the Story of the Holy Land

 

We Grow, They Bulldoze, We Re-Plant

By Eva Bartlett

February 10, 2013

Tawfiq Mandil, 45, stands amongst hundreds of Palestinian farmers, activists, and international supporters in the Gaza Strip’s eastern Zeitoun district, about half a kilometre from the border with Israel.

They are renewing a call for the boycott of Israeli goods.‚ÄúThe Israeli army destroyed my house and my five dunums of land (a dunum is 1,000 square metres) on the last day of the attacks in 2009, as well as 20 other homes,‚ÄĚ he says.

With signs reading ‚ÄėBoycott Israeli Agricultural Products‚Äô and ‚ÄėSupport Palestinian Farmers‚Äô, Mandil and others protesting Israeli oppression of Palestinian farmers joined together Saturday to plant olive trees on Israeli-razed farmland and to implore international supporters to join the boycott of Israeli agricultural produce.

Mandil believes that the boycott is his only hope for justice for Palestinian farmers being targeted by the Israeli army and oppressed by Israel. ‚ÄúWe hope that it will put pressure on Israel to stop targeting us and allow us to farm our land as we used to.‚ÄĚ

ITS THOSE EVIL ZIONISTS! : forwardsfromhitler

With an Israeli surveillance blimp hovering above and within sight of a remotely-controlled machine gun tower, the significance of the rally‚Äôs location near the ‚Äėbuffer zone‚Äô was not lost.

Israeli authorities prohibit Palestinians from accessing the 300 metres flanking the Gaza-Israel border.

In reality, the Israeli army regularly attacks Palestinians up to two kilometres from the border in some areas, rendering more than 35 percent of Gaza’s farmland off-limits.

“By engaging in the trade of settlement produce, states are failing to comply with their obligation to actively cooperate in order to put the Israeli settlement enterprise to an end.

Therefore, a ban on settlement produce must be considered amongst those actions that third party states should undertake in order to comply with their international law obligations.‚ÄĚ

The Palestinian human rights organisation Al-Haq released a position paper last month condemning the Israeli settlement produce trade.

The paper, ‚ÄėFeasting on the Occupation: Illegality of Settlement Produce and the Responsibility of EU Member States Under International Law‚Äô highlights the means by which Israeli settlements benefit from the oppression of Palestinian farmers.

https://www.quotemaster.org/images/21/21ac9525c4e940ca1739159d281beab6.jpg

We are all Palestinians!

‚ÄúWhile the EU has been quite outspoken in condemning settlements and their expansion, they continue to import produce from these same settlements and in doing so, help to sustain their very existence,‚ÄĚ Al-Haq director general Shawan Jabarin notes in the Al-Haq press release.

‚ÄúMore than 80 Palestinians have been injured and at least four Palestinians killed by Israeli attacks in the border regions since the November 2012 ceasefire between Israel and Palestinian resistance,‚ÄĚ says Adie Mormech, 35, a British activist living in Gaza.

This is in addition to the many Palestinians killed and hundreds injured in previous years of Israeli army attacks on the border regions.

‚ÄúThere is simultaneous action happening in the occupied West Bank,‚ÄĚ says Mormech. ‚ÄúThey‚Äôre planting near Yitzhar colony, which is notorious for its violence against Palestinians.

Quds News Network on Twitter: "Zionist quotes that should never be forgotten on the ethnic cleansing of Palestinians. (2/2) #Nakba #Nakba72… "

Around the world, an estimated 30 countries are holding actions in solidarity with Palestinian farmers and fishers.‚ÄĚ

Um Abed, 65, from Zeitoun is defiant. ‚ÄúToday we‚Äôre planting olive trees. God willing next year we‚Äôll plant lemon, date and palm trees. We grow, they bulldoze, we re-plant.‚ÄĚ

The boycott action follows a growing number of initiatives emerging in recent years from the Gaza Strip.

Palestinian students in Gazan universities stepped up the Boycott call in 2012, releasing Youtube videos calling for political action, not aid, from international supporters.

The Palestinian Campaign for the Academic and Cultural Boycott of Israel (PACBI) has attracted international support, including the backing of numerous UK and North American universities and scholars.

Increasing numbers of cultural and religious associations, such as the Quakers’ Friends Fiduciary Corporation, are divesting from corporations that profit from or support Israel’s occupation of Palestinian lands.

The United Church of Canada endorsed the boycott of goods produced in illegal Israeli settlements in August 2012.

Quotes about Zionism (70 quotes)

Dr Haidar Eid, professor at Gaza’s Al-Aqsa University and PACBI member, outlines what BDS entails.

“We are calling for implementation of UN Security Council resolution 242, which calls for withdrawal of occupation forces from the Gaza Strip, the West Bank, and east Jerusalem.

The second demand is the implementation of the United Nations resolution 194, the return of all Palestinian refugees to the towns and villages from which they were ethnically cleansed in 1948.

The third demand is the end to Israel‚Äôs apartheid policies in Palestine 1948. We want equality.‚ÄĚ

While civil society and students have been in the forefront of BDS actions in the Gaza Strip, the Hamas government has also taken steps calling for boycott.

Joe Catron, an American activist based in the Gaza Strip, explains one recent government-led campaign.

“The Adidas campaign began in March 2012, when Adidas was sponsoring a marathon through parts of Jerusalem, including parts that are internationally recognised as occupied.

The Ministry of Youth and Sports here called upon the Arab League to boycott Adidas in response to this, which a number of countries did.‚ÄĚ

In September 2012, Gaza’s Ministry of Agriculture decided to ban most Israeli fruits entering Gaza.

‚ÄúPalestinian farmers can grow the fruits we consume,‚ÄĚ said marketing director in the ministry Tahsen Al-Saqa.

‚ÄúWe need to support and protect our own farmers. They‚Äôve been economically devastated by the Israeli ban on exporting since 2006.‚ÄĚ

‚ÄúBoycott is the key, and it is growing,‚ÄĚ says Adie Mormech. ‚ÄúThe momentum is so much now that it is not going to stop. It‚Äôs going to be like South Africa.‚ÄĚ

 

 

 

 

 

Bahrain opposition rejects Israel normalization, calls for resistance

Thousands of Bahrainis have flocked to the streets of Manama today in what they called ‚ÄúThe Friday of Resisting Normalization‚ÄĚ in protest against the normalization deal between their regime and the occupation state. The protesters raised the flag of Palestine and chanted slogans in solidarity with Palestine.

Although of the strict security measures, thousands of Bahrainis took part in the protests that started following Friday prayers and marched throughout the capital.

The protesters held signs that read ‚Äúnormalization is betrayal‚ÄĚ and ‚Äúwe reject humiliation and surrender to the dictates of the US and UK‚ÄĚ.

The kingdom of Bahrain has signed an agreement to normalize ties with the occupation state last September, following another deal between the UAE and the occupation state.

A group of Bahraini political and civil society associations, including the Bahrain Bar Association, on Sunday voiced their opposition to the deal in a joint statement.

‚ÄúWhat results from normalization will not enjoy popular backing, in line with what generations of Bahrainis have been brought up on in terms of adherence to the Palestinian cause,‚ÄĚ the statement said.

The Forgotten History of the Jewish, Anti-Zionist Left

“Zion¬≠ism is a tox¬≠ic mix¬≠ture of Euro¬≠pean nation¬≠al¬≠ism and British impe¬≠ri¬≠al¬≠ism graft¬≠ed onto a cul¬≠tur¬≠al reser¬≠voir of Jew¬≠ish tropes and mytholo¬≠gies that come from Jew¬≠ish litur¬≠gy and culture.”

“WHEREVER WE LIVE, THAT’S OUR HOMELAND”

“The Zionists have become known in the world, and they are considered like the lowest and the cheapest.” ~-Rabbi Shalom Dov Ber Schneersohn,Rebbe of Lubavitch, Russia (1866-1920)

A conversation with scholar Benjamin Balthaser about Jewish, working-class anti-Zionism in the 1930s and ’40s.

Israeli Prime Min­is­ter Ben­jamin Netanyahu’s push to forcibly annex up to 30% of the occu­pied West Bank is expos­ing the vio­lence inher­ent in impos­ing a Jew­ish eth­no-state on an indige­nous Pales­tin­ian pop­u­la­tion.

While the plan is delayed for now, the human rights orga­ni­za­tion B’Tselem reports that, in prepa­ra­tion for annex­a­tion, Israel already ramped up its demo­li­tions of Pales­tin­ian homes in the West Bank in June, destroy­ing 30 that month, a fig­ure that does not include demo­li­tions in East Jerusalem.

We can see the emptiness and barrenness of aligning ourselves with an American imperial project.

The theft and destruc¬≠tion of Pales¬≠tin¬≠ian homes and com¬≠mu¬≠ni¬≠ties, how¬≠ev¬≠er, is just one piece of a¬†much larg¬≠er‚ÄČ‚ÄĒ‚ÄČand old¬≠er‚ÄČ‚ÄĒ‚ÄČcolo¬≠nial project.

As Pales¬≠tin¬≠ian orga¬≠niz¬≠er San¬≠dra Tamari writes, ‚Äč‚ÄúPales¬≠tini¬≠ans have been forced to endure Israel‚Äôs poli¬≠cies of expul¬≠sion and land appro¬≠pri¬≠a¬≠tion for over 70¬†years.‚ÄĚ

Today, this real­i­ty has evolved into an overt apartheid sys­tem: Pales­tini­ans with­in Israel are sec­ond-class cit­i­zens, with Israel now offi­cial­ly cod­i­fy­ing that self-deter­mi­na­tion is for Jews only.

Pales¬≠tini¬≠ans in the West Bank and Gaza are sub¬≠ject to mil¬≠i¬≠tary occu¬≠pa¬≠tion, siege, block¬≠ade and mar¬≠tial law‚ÄČ‚ÄĒ‚ÄČa sys¬≠tem of vio¬≠lent dom¬≠i¬≠na¬≠tion enabled by polit¬≠i¬≠cal and finan¬≠cial sup¬≠port from the Unit¬≠ed¬†States.

Anti-Zion­ists argue that this bru­tal real­i­ty is not just the prod­uct of a right-wing gov­ern­ment or fail­ure to effec­tive­ly pro­cure a two-state solu­tion.

Rather, it stems from the mod­ern Zion­ist project itself, one estab­lished in a colo­nial con­text, and fun­da­men­tal­ly reliant on eth­nic cleans­ing and vio­lent dom­i­na­tion of Pales­tin­ian peo­ple.

Jews around the world are among those who call them¬≠selves anti-Zion¬≠ists, and who vocif¬≠er¬≠ous¬≠ly object to the claim that the state of Israel rep¬≠re¬≠sents the will‚ÄČ‚ÄĒ‚ÄČor inter¬≠ests‚ÄČ‚ÄĒ‚ÄČof Jew¬≠ish¬†people.

In These Times spoke with Ben­jamin Balthas­er, an asso­ciate pro­fes­sor of mul­ti­eth­nic lit­er­a­ture at Indi­ana Uni­ver­si­ty at South Bend.

His recent arti¬≠cle, ‚Äč‚ÄúWhen Anti-Zion¬≠ism Was Jew¬≠ish: Jew¬≠ish Racial Sub¬≠jec¬≠tiv¬≠i¬≠ty and the Anti-Impe¬≠ri¬≠al¬≠ist Lit¬≠er¬≠ary Left from the Great Depres¬≠sion to the Cold War,‚ÄĚ exam¬≠ines the erased his¬≠to¬≠ry of anti-Zion¬≠ism among the Jew¬≠ish, work¬≠ing-class left in the 1930s and ‚Äč‚Äė40s.

Anti-Zionism - Wikipedia

Balthas­er is the author of a book of poems about the old Jew­ish left called Ded­i­ca­tion, and an aca­d­e­m­ic mono­graph titled Anti-Impe­ri­al­ist Mod­ernism.

He is work­ing on a book about Jew­ish Marx­ists, social­ist thought and anti-Zion­ism in the 20th century.

He spoke with In These Times about the colo­nial ori­gins of mod­ern Zion­ism, and the Jew­ish left’s quar­rel with it, on the grounds that it is a form of right-wing nation­al­ism, is fun­da­men­tal­ly opposed to work­ing-class inter­na­tion­al­ism, and is a form of impe­ri­al­ism.

Accord­ing to Balthas­er, this polit­i­cal tra­di­tion under­mines the claim that Zion­ism reflects the will of all Jew­ish peo­ple, and offers sign­posts for the present day.

‚Äč‚ÄúFor Jews in the Unit¬≠ed States who are try¬≠ing to think about their rela¬≠tion¬≠ship not only to Pales¬≠tine, but also their own place in the world as an his¬≠tor¬≠i¬≠cal¬≠ly per¬≠se¬≠cut¬≠ed eth¬≠no-cul¬≠tur¬≠al dias¬≠poric minor¬≠i¬≠ty, we have to think of whose side we are on, and which glob¬≠al forces we want to align with,‚ÄĚ he says.

‚Äč‚ÄúIf we do not want to side with the exe¬≠cu¬≠tion¬≠ers of the far-right, with colo¬≠nial¬≠ism, and with racism, there is a¬†Jew¬≠ish cul¬≠tur¬≠al resource for us to draw on‚ÄČ‚ÄĒ‚ÄČa polit¬≠i¬≠cal resource to draw¬†on.‚ÄĚ

Sarah Lazare: Can you please explain what the ide­ol­o­gy of Zion­ism is? Who devel­oped it and when?

Ben­jamin Balthas­er: A cou­ple of things need to be dis­en­tan­gled.

First of all, there is a long Jew­ish his­to­ry that pre­dates the ide­ol­o­gy of Zion­ism that looks at Jerusalem, the ancient king­dom of Judea, as a site of cul­tur­al, reli­gious and, you can say, mes­sian­ic long­ing.

If you know Jew­ish litur­gy, there are ref­er­ences that go back thou­sands of years to the land of Zion, to Jerusalem, the old king­dom that the Romans destroyed.

There have been attempts through¬≠out Jew¬≠ish his¬≠to¬≠ry, dis¬≠as¬≠trous¬≠ly, to ‚Äč‚Äúreturn‚ÄĚ to the land of Pales¬≠tine, most famous¬≠ly, Sab¬≠batai Zevi in the 17th cen¬≠tu¬≠ry.

But for the most part, through much of Jew¬≠ish his¬≠to¬≠ry, ‚Äč‚ÄúIsrael‚ÄĚ was under¬≠stood as a¬†kind of a¬†cul¬≠tur¬≠al and mes¬≠sian¬≠ic long¬≠ing, but there was no desire to actu¬≠al¬≠ly phys¬≠i¬≠cal¬≠ly move there, out¬≠side of small reli¬≠gious com¬≠mu¬≠ni¬≠ties in Jerusalem and, of course, the small num¬≠ber of Jews who con¬≠tin¬≠ued to live in Pales¬≠tine under the Ottoman Empire‚ÄČ‚ÄĒ‚ÄČabout 5% of the¬†population.

Con­tem­po­rary Zion­ism, par­tic­u­lar­ly polit­i­cal Zion­ism, does draw on that large reser­voir of cul­tur­al long­ing and reli­gious text to legit­imize itself, and that’s where the con­fu­sion comes.

Mod­ern Zion­ism arose in the late 19th cen­tu­ry as a Euro­pean nation­al­ist move­ment. And I think that’s the way to under­stand it. It was one of these many Euro­pean nation­al­ist move­ments of oppressed minori­ties that attempt­ed to con­struct out of the diverse cul­tures of West­ern and East­ern Europe eth­ni­cal­ly homogeneous nation-states.

And there were many Jew­ish nationalism of the late 19th and ear­ly 20th cen­turies, of which Zion­ism was only one.

There was the Jew­ish Bund, which was a left-wing social­ist move­ment that rose to promi­nence in the ear­ly 20th cen­tu­ry that artic­u­lat­ed a deter­ri­to­ri­al­ized nation­al­ism in East­ern Europe.

They felt their place was East­ern Europe, their land was East­ern Europe, their lan­guage was Yid­dish.

And they want­ed to strug­gle for free­dom in Europe where they actu­al­ly lived.

And they felt that their strug­gle for lib­er­a­tion was against oppres­sive cap­i­tal­ist gov­ern­ments in Europe.

Had the Holo­caust not wiped out the Bund and oth­er Jew­ish social­ists in East­ern Europe, we might be talk­ing about Jew­ish nation­al­ism in a very dif­fer­ent con­text now.

Of course, there were Sovi­et exper­i­ments, prob­a­bly most famous in Biro­bidzhan, but also one very brief one in Ukraine, to cre­ate Jew­ish autonomous zones with­in ter­ri­to­ries that Jews lived, or else­where with­in the Sovi­et Union, root­ed in the Yid­dish idea of doykait, dias­poric here­ness, and Yid­dish lan­guage and culture.

Zion­ism was one of these cul­tur­al nation­al­ist move­ments.

What made it dif¬≠fer¬≠ent was that it graft¬≠ed itself onto British colo¬≠nial¬≠ism, a¬†rela¬≠tion¬≠ship made explic¬≠it with the Bal¬≠four Dec¬≠la¬≠ra¬≠tion in 1917, and actu¬≠al¬≠ly tried to cre¬≠ate a¬†coun¬≠try out of a¬†British colony‚ÄČ‚ÄĒ‚ÄČMan¬≠date Pales¬≠tine‚ÄČ‚ÄĒ‚ÄČand use British colo¬≠nial¬≠ism as a¬†way to help estab¬≠lish itself in the Mid¬≠dle East.

The Bal­four Dec­la­ra­tion was essen­tial­ly a way to use the British Empire for its own ends.

On some lev­el, you could say Zion­ism is a tox­ic mix­ture of Euro­pean nation­al­ism and British impe­ri­al­ism graft­ed onto a cul­tur­al reser­voir of Jew­ish tropes and mytholo­gies that come from Jew­ish litur­gy and culture.

Sarah: One of the under­pin­nings of mod­ern Zion­ism is that it’s an ide­ol­o­gy that rep­re­sents the will of all Jews.

But in your paper, you argue that crit¬≠i¬≠cism of Zion¬≠ism was actu¬≠al¬≠ly quite com¬≠mon on the Jew¬≠ish left in the 1930s and ‚Äč‚Äô40s, and that this his¬≠to¬≠ry has been large¬≠ly erased.

Can you talk about what these crit­i­cisms were and who was mak­ing them?

Ben­jamin: The fun­ny part about the Unit­ed States, and I would say this is most­ly true for Europe, is that before the end of World War II, and even a lit­tle after, most Jews dis­par­aged Zion­ists.

And it didn’t mat­ter if you were a com­mu­nist, it didn’t mat­ter if you were a Reform Jew, Zion­ism was not pop­u­lar. There were a lot of dif­fer­ent rea­sons for Amer­i­can Jews to not like Zion­ism before the 1940s.

There’s the lib­er­al cri­tique of Zion­ism most famous­ly artic­u­lat­ed by Elmer Berg­er and the Amer­i­can Coun­cil for Judaism.

The anx­i­ety among these folks was that Zion­ism would basi­cal­ly be a kind of dual loy­al­ty, that it would open Jews up to the claim that they’re not real Amer­i­cans, and that it would actu­al­ly frus­trate their attempts to assim­i­late into main­stream Amer­i­can cul­ture.

Elmer Berg­er also for­ward­ed the idea that Jews are not a cul­ture or a peo­ple, but sim­ply a reli­gion, and there­fore have noth­ing in com­mon with one anoth­er out­side of the reli­gious faith.

This, I¬†would argue, is an assim¬≠i¬≠la¬≠tion¬≠ist idea that comes out of the 1920s and ‚Äč‚Äô30s and tries to resem¬≠ble a¬†Protes¬≠tant notion of ‚Äč‚Äúcom¬≠mu¬≠ni¬≠ties of¬†faith.‚ÄĚ

 

But for the Jew¬≠ish left‚ÄČ‚ÄĒ‚ÄČthe com¬≠mu¬≠nist, social¬≠ist, Trot¬≠sky¬≠ist and Marx¬≠ist left‚ÄČ‚ÄĒ‚ÄČtheir cri¬≠tique of Zion¬≠ism came from two quar¬≠ters: a¬†cri¬≠tique of nation¬≠al¬≠ism and a¬†cri¬≠tique of colo¬≠nial¬≠ism.

They under­stood Zion­ism as a right-wing nation­al­ism and, in that sense, bour­geois.

They saw it as in line with oth¬≠er forms of nation¬≠al¬≠ism‚ÄČ‚ÄĒ‚ÄČan attempt to align the work¬≠ing class with the inter¬≠ests of the bour¬≠geoisie.

There was at the time a well-known take­down of Vladimir Jabotin­sky in the New Mass­es in 1935, in which Marx­ist crit­ic Robert Gess­ner calls Jabotin­sky a lit­tle Hitler on the Red Sea.

Jewish labor Bund

Gess­ner calls the Zion­ists Nazis and the left in gen­er­al saw Jew­ish nation­al­ism as a right-wing for­ma­tion try­ing to cre­ate a uni­fied, mil­i­taris­tic cul­ture that aligns work­ing-class Jew­ish inter­ests with the inter­ests of the Jew­ish bourgeoisie.

So that’s one cri­tique of Zion­ism. The oth­er cri­tique of Zion­ism, which I think is more con­tem­po­rary to the left today, is that Zion­ism is a form of impe­ri­al­ism.

If you look at the pam¬≠phlets and mag¬≠a¬≠zines and speech¬≠es that are giv¬≠en on the Jew¬≠ish left in the 1930s and ‚Äč‚Äô40s, they saw that Zion¬≠ists were align¬≠ing them¬≠selves with British impe¬≠ri¬≠al¬≠ism.

They also were very aware of the fact that the Mid­dle East was col­o­nized, first by the Ottomans and then by the British.

They saw the Pales­tin­ian strug­gle for lib­er­a­tion as part of a glob­al anti-impe­ri­al­ist movement.

Of course, Jew­ish com­mu­nists saw them­selves not as cit­i­zens of a nation-state, but as part of the glob­al pro­le­tari­at: part of the glob­al work­ing class, part of the glob­al rev­o­lu­tion.

And so for them to think about their home¬≠land as this small strip of land in the Mediter¬≠ranean‚ÄČ‚ÄĒ‚ÄČregard¬≠less of any cul¬≠tur¬≠al affin¬≠i¬≠ty to Jerusalem‚ÄČ‚ÄĒ‚ÄČwould just be against every¬≠thing they¬†believe.

As the Holo­caust began in earnest in the 1940s, and Jews were flee­ing Europe in any way they pos­si­bly could, some mem­bers of the Com­mu­nist Par­ty advo­cat­ed that Jews should be allowed to go to Pales­tine.

If you’re flee­ing anni­hi­la­tion and Pales­tine is the only place you can go that is nat­ur­al.

But that doesn’t mean you can cre­ate a nation-state there. You need to get along with the peo­ple who live there as best as you pos­si­bly can.

There was a¬†com¬≠mu¬≠nist par¬≠ty of Pales¬≠tine that did advo¬≠cate for Jew¬≠ish and Pales¬≠tin¬≠ian col¬≠lab¬≠o¬≠ra¬≠tion to oust the British and cre¬≠ate a¬†bina¬≠tion¬≠al state‚ÄČ‚ÄĒ‚ÄČwhich, for a¬†host of rea¬≠sons, includ¬≠ing the seg¬≠re¬≠gat¬≠ed nature of Jew¬≠ish set¬≠tle¬≠ment, proved hard¬≠er in prac¬≠tice than in¬†theory.

In any case, the Jew­ish left in the 1930s and 1940s under­stood, crit­i­cal­ly, that the only way Zion­ism would be able to emerge in Pales­tine was through a colo­nial project and through the expul­sion of the indige­nous Pales­tini­ans from the land.

In a speech by Earl Brow­der, chair­man of the Com­mu­nist Par­ty, in Manhattan’s Hip­po­drome, he declares that a Jew­ish state can only be formed through the expul­sion of a quar­ter-mil­lion Pales­tini­ans, which atten­dees thought was very shock­ing at the time, but it actu­al­ly end­ed up being a dra­mat­ic undercount.

Sarah: You wrote in your recent jour¬≠nal arti¬≠cle, ‚Äč‚ÄúPer¬≠haps the sin¬≠gle most per¬≠va¬≠sive nar¬≠ra¬≠tive about Zion¬≠ism, even among schol¬≠ars and writ¬≠ers who acknowl¬≠edge its mar¬≠gin¬≠al sta¬≠tus before the war, is that the Holo¬≠caust changed Jew¬≠ish opin¬≠ioin and con¬≠vinced Jews of its neces¬≠si¬≠ty.‚ÄĚ You iden¬≠ti¬≠fy some major holes in this nar¬≠ra¬≠tive. Can you explain what they¬†are?

Ben­jamin: I would alter that a bit to say I’m real­ly talk­ing about the com­mu­nist and Marx­ist left in this con­text.

I grew up with in a left-wing fam¬≠i¬≠ly where opin¬≠ion was def¬≠i¬≠nite¬≠ly divid¬≠ed on the ques¬≠tion of Zion¬≠ism‚ÄČ‚ÄĒ‚ÄČyet, nonethe¬≠less, there was a per¬≠va¬≠sive idea that the Holo¬≠caust changed opin¬≠ion universally, and every¬≠one fell in line as soon as the details of the Holo¬≠caust were revealed, Zion¬≠ist and anti-Zion¬≠ist alike.

It’s unde­ni­ably cor­rect to say that with­out the Holo­caust there prob­a­bly would have been no Israel, if just for the sin­gle fact that there was a mas­sive influx of Jew­ish refugees after the war who would have undoubt­ed­ly stayed in Europe oth­er­wise.

With­out that influx of Jews who could fight the 1948 war and pop­u­late Israel just after, it’s doubt­ful an inde­pen­dent state of Israel could have succeeded.

How¬≠ev¬≠er, one thing I¬†found most sur¬≠pris¬≠ing going through the Jew¬≠ish left press in the 1940s‚ÄČ‚ÄĒ‚ÄČpub¬≠li¬≠ca¬≠tions of the Trot¬≠sky¬≠ist Social¬≠ist Work¬≠ers Par¬≠ty, the Com¬≠mu¬≠nist Par¬≠ty, and writ¬≠ings by Han¬≠nah Arendt‚ÄČ‚ÄĒ‚ÄČis that even after the scope of the Holo¬≠caust was wide¬≠ly under¬≠stood, their offi¬≠cial posi¬≠tion was still anti-Zion¬≠ist.

They may have called for Jews to be allowed to reset­tle in the lands from which they were expelled or mas­sa­cred, with full rights and full cit­i­zen­ship, be allowed to immi­grate to the Unit­ed States, or even be allowed to emi­grate to Pales­tine if there was nowhere else to go (as was often the case).

But they were still whol­ly against par­ti­tion and the estab­lish­ment of a Jew­ish-only state.

What is impor¬≠tant to under¬≠stand about that moment was that Zion¬≠ism was a¬†polit¬≠i¬≠cal choice‚ÄČ‚ÄĒ‚ÄČnot only by west¬≠ern impe¬≠r¬≠i¬≠al pow¬≠ers, but also by Jew¬≠ish lead¬≠er¬≠ship.

They could have fought more stren­u­ous­ly for Jew­ish immi­gra­tion to the Unit­ed States.

And a lot of the Zion­ist lead­ers actu­al­ly fought against immi­gra­tion to the Unit­ed States.

There were a num­ber of sto­ries report­ed in the Jew­ish Com­mu­nist press about how Zion­ists col­lab­o­rat­ed with the British and Amer­i­cans to force Jews to go to Man­date Pales­tine, when they would have rather gone to the Unit­ed States, or Eng­land.

There‚Äôs a¬†famous quote by Ernest Bevin, the British For¬≠eign Sec¬≠re¬≠tary, who said the only rea¬≠son the Unit¬≠ed States sent Jews to Pales¬≠tine was ‚Äč‚Äúbecause they do not want too many more of them in New York.‚ÄĚ

And the Zion­ists agreed with this.

While this may seem like ancient his¬≠to¬≠ry, it is impor¬≠tant because it dis¬≠rupts the com¬≠mon sense sur¬≠round¬≠ing Israel‚Äôs for¬≠ma¬≠tion. ‚Äč

‚ÄúYes, maybe there could have been peace between Jews and Pales¬≠tini¬≠ans, but the Holo¬≠caust made all of that impos¬≠si¬≠ble.‚ÄĚ

And I would say that this debate after 1945 shows that there was a long moment in which there were oth­er pos­si­bil­i­ties, and anoth­er future could have happened.

Iron­i­cal­ly, per­haps, the Sovi­et Union did more than any oth­er sin­gle force to change the minds of the Jew­ish Marx­ist left in the late 1940s about Israel.

Andrei Gromyko, the Sovi­et Union’s ambas­sador to the Unit­ed Nations, came out in 1947 and backed par­ti­tion in the Unit­ed Nations after declar­ing the West­ern world did noth­ing to stop the Holo­caust, and sud­den­ly there’s this about-face.

All these Jew­ish left-wing pub­li­ca­tions that were denounc­ing Zion­ism, lit­er­al­ly the next day, were embrac­ing par­ti­tion and the for­ma­tion of the nation-state of Israel.

You have to under¬≠stand, for a¬†lot of Jew¬≠ish com¬≠mu¬≠nists and even social¬≠ists, the Sovi¬≠et Union was the promised land‚ÄČ‚ÄĒ‚ÄČnot Zion¬≠ism.

This was the place where they had, accord­ing to the pro­pa­gan­da, erad­i­cat­ed anti­semisitm.

The Russ­ian Empire was the most anti­se­mit­ic place through­out the late 19th and ear­ly 20th cen­tu­ry, before the rise of Nazism.

Many of the Jew­ish Com­mu­nist Par­ty mem­bers were from East­ern Europe, or their fam­i­lies were, and they had very vivid mem­o­ries of Rus­sia as the cru­cible of anti­semitism.

For them, the Russ­ian Rev­o­lu­tion was a rup­ture in his­to­ry, a chance to start over.

And, of course, this is after World War II, when the Sovi­et Union had just defeat­ed the Nazis.

For the Sovi­et Union to embrace Zion­ism real­ly sent a shock­wave through the left-wing Jew­ish world.

The Sovi­et Union changed its pol­i­cy a decade or so lat­er, open­ly embrac­ing anti-Zion­ism by the 1960s. But for this brief piv­otal moment, the Sovi­et Union firm­ly came down in favor of par­ti­tion, and that seems to be what real­ly changed the Jew­ish left.

With­out this kind of legitimization, I think we are all start­ing to see the Jew­ish left such as it exists return back in an impor­tant way to the posi­tions that it had orig­i­nal­ly held, which is that Zion­ism is a right-wing nation­al­ism and that it is also racist and colo­nial­ist. We are see­ing the Jew­ish left return to its first principles.

Sarah: That’s a good segue to some ques­tions I want­ed to ask you about the rel­e­vance of anti-Zion­ist his­to­ry to the present day. For a lot of peo­ple, Israel’s plan to annex huge amounts of Pales­tin­ian land in the West Bank, while delayed, is still lay­ing bare the vio­lence of the Zion­ist project of estab­lish­ing Jew­ish rule over a Pales­tin­ian pop­u­la­tion. And we are see­ing some promi­nent lib­er­al Zion­ists like Peter Beinart pub­licly pro­claim that the two-state solu­tion is dead and one state based on equal rights is the best path. Do you see now as an impor­tant moment to con­nect with the his­to­ry of Jew­ish anti-Zion­ism? Do you see open­ings or pos­si­bil­i­ties for chang­ing peo­ple’s minds?

Ben­jamin: In a way, Beinart’s let­ter was 70 years too late.

But it is still a very impor­tant cul­tur­al turn, to the extent that he is part of a lib­er­al Jew­ish estab­lish­ment.

I¬†would also say that we‚Äôre in a¬†dif¬≠fer¬≠ent his¬≠tor¬≠i¬≠cal moment. In the 1930s and ‚Äč‚Äô40s, you can real¬≠ly talk about a¬†kind of glob¬≠al rev¬≠o¬≠lu¬≠tion¬≠ary sen¬≠ti¬≠ment and a¬†real Jew¬≠ish left that‚Äôs locat¬≠ed in orga¬≠ni¬≠za¬≠tions like the Com¬≠mu¬≠nist Par¬≠ty, the Social¬≠ist Work¬≠ers Par¬≠ty and the Social¬≠ist Par¬≠ty.

And you can see that again in the 1960s. Stu­dents for a Demo­c­ra­t­ic Soci­ety, which also had a very size­able Jew­ish mem­ber­ship, for­mal­ly backed anti-Zion­ism in the 1960s, along with the Social­ist Work­ers Par­ty, and formed alliances with the Stu­dent Non­vi­o­lent Coor­di­nat­ing Com­mit­tee, which had also tak­en an offi­cial anti-Zion­ist posi­tion in the late 1960s.

You could think about a¬†glob¬≠al rev¬≠o¬≠lu¬≠tion¬≠ary frame¬≠work in which Pales¬≠tin¬≠ian lib¬≠er¬≠a¬≠tion was an artic¬≠u¬≠lat¬≠ed part‚ÄČ‚ÄĒ‚ÄČyou could think about the Pop¬≠u¬≠lar Front for the Lib¬≠er¬≠a¬≠tion of Pales¬≠tine and the Pales¬≠tine Lib¬≠er¬≠a¬≠tion Orga¬≠ni¬≠za¬≠tion as part of the fab¬≠ric of glob¬≠al rev¬≠o¬≠lu¬≠tion¬≠ary¬†movements.

Today we’re in a much more frag­ment­ed space.

On the same note, though, we‚Äôre see¬≠ing the rebirth, or maybe con¬≠ti¬≠nu¬≠ity, of Pales¬≠tin¬≠ian civ¬≠il rights move¬≠ments, with Pales¬≠tin¬≠ian civ¬≠il soci¬≠ety putting out a¬†call for decol¬≠o¬≠niza¬≠tion‚ÄČ‚ÄĒ‚ÄČboth out of their own tra¬≠di¬≠tions of lib¬≠er¬≠a¬≠tion, but also look¬≠ing to mod¬≠els from the South African free¬≠dom strug¬≠gle.

For con­tem­po­rary Jews who are pro­gres­sive and see them­selves on the left, they’re sud­den­ly real­iz­ing that there real­ly is no cen­ter any­more, there is no lib­er­al Zion­ist posi­tion any longer.

The cen­ter has real­ly fall­en away. And we’re faced with this very stark deci­sion: that either you’re going to be on the side of lib­er­a­tion, or you’re going to be on the side of the Israeli right, which has elim­i­na­tion­ist and geno­ci­dal intent that has always been there, but is naked­ly appar­ent now.

And so I¬†think peo¬≠ple like Beinart are wak¬≠ing up and say¬≠ing, ‚Äč‚ÄúI don‚Äôt want to be on the side of the¬†executioners.‚ÄĚ

The his­to­ry of the old Jew­ish left and the new Jew­ish left of the 1960s shows us this isn’t new.

Any lib­er­a­tion strug­gle is going to come from the oppressed them­selves, so the Pales­tin­ian lib­er­a­tion move­ment is going to set its terms for strug­gles.

But for Jews in the Unit­ed States who are try­ing to think about their rela­tion­ship, not only to Pales­tine, but also their own place in the world as an his­tor­i­cal­ly per­se­cut­ed eth­no-cul­tur­al dias­poric minor­i­ty, we have to think of whose side we are on, and which glob­al forces we want to align with.

If we do not want to side with the exe¬≠cu¬≠tion¬≠ers of the far-right, with colo¬≠nial¬≠ism and with racism, there is a¬†Jew¬≠ish cul¬≠tur¬≠al resource for us to draw on‚ÄČ‚ÄĒ‚ÄČa polit¬≠i¬≠cal resource to draw on.

This his­to­ry of the anti-Zion­ist Jew­ish left demon­strates that an impor­tant his­tor­i­cal role in a dias­po­ra has been sol­i­dar­i­ty with oth­er oppressed peo­ple.

That‚Äôs the place from which we‚Äôve gath¬≠ered the most strength his¬≠tor¬≠i¬≠cal¬≠ly. So I¬†look at this not as say¬≠ing, ‚Äč‚ÄúWe‚Äôre not going to repro¬≠duce the Com¬≠mu¬≠nist Par¬≠ty of the 1930s and 1940s.‚ÄĚ

We‚Äôre say¬≠ing, ‚Äč‚ÄúWe‚Äôll pro¬≠duce some¬≠thing new, but the past can be a¬†cul¬≠tur¬≠al resource that we can use¬†today.‚ÄĚ

Sarah: Who or what is respon­si­ble for the era­sure of this his­to­ry of Jew­ish, left anti-Zionism?

Ben­jamin: I wouldn’t blame the era­sure sole­ly on the Sovi­et Union or Zion­ism, because we also have to think of the Cold War and how the Cold War destroyed the old Jew­ish left, and real­ly drove it under­ground and shat­tered its orga­ni­za­tions.

So I think we also have to see how the turn toward Zion­ism was under­stood as some­thing that would nor­mal­ize Jews in a post-war era.

With the exe¬≠cu¬≠tion of the Rosen¬≠bergs, the Red Scare of the late 1940s and ‚Äč‚Äô50s, and the vir¬≠tu¬≠al ban¬≠ning of the Com¬≠mu¬≠nist Par¬≠ty, which had been through¬≠out the 1930s and ‚Äč‚Äô40s half Jew¬≠ish, for much of the Jew¬≠ish estab¬≠lish¬≠ment, align¬≠ing them¬≠selves with Amer¬≠i¬≠can impe¬≠ri¬≠al¬≠ism was a¬†way for Jews to nor¬≠mal¬≠ize their pres¬≠ence in the Unit¬≠ed States.

And hope­ful­ly that moment has to some degree passed. We can see the empti­ness and bar­ren­ness of align­ing our­selves with an Amer­i­can impe­r­i­al project, with peo­ple like Bari Weiss and Jared Kush­n­er.

Why would some­one like Bari Weiss, who describes her­self as lib­er­al, want to align her­self with the most reac­tionary forces in Amer­i­can life?

It’s a bloody matrix of assim­i­la­tion and white­ness that emerged out of the Cold War sub­ur­ban­iza­tion of the 1950s. Israel was part of that devil’s bar­gain.

Yes, you can become real Amer­i­cans: You can go to good U.S. uni­ver­si­ties, you can join the sub­urbs, enter into the main­stream of Amer­i­can life, as long as you do this one lit­tle thing for us, which is back the Amer­i­can Empire.

Hope­ful­ly, with the emer­gence of new grass­roots orga­ni­za­tions in the Unit­ed States, among Jews and non-Jews who are ques­tion­ing the U.S. role sup­port­ing Zion­ism, this cal­cu­lus can begin to change.

With the rise of Jew­ish Voice for Peace, IfNot­Now, the Demo­c­ra­t­ic Social­ists of Amer­i­ca and the Move­ment for Black Lives all tak­ing a seri­ous stance against U.S. sup­port for Zion­ism, the com­mon sense in the Jew­ish com­mu­ni­ty has begun to move in a dif­fer­ent direc­tion, par­tic­u­lar­ly among the younger gen­er­a­tion.

The bat­tle is very far from over, but it makes me just a lit­tle opti­mistic about the future.

The Exodus of Palestinian Christians from the Holy Land

Israel has a long history of actions against its Christian minority. Israeli forces have desecrated churches, rabbis have endorsed killing non-Jewish civilians (including children), New Testaments have been burned. While there are many Israelis who have opposed these actions and respect Christians, the fact is that discrimination against Christians is endemic in the Israeli system. Like Muslims, Christians have been persecuted by Israel ever since it was established in 1948…

‚ÄėIt is permitted to kill non-Jews, rape women, burn down churches‚Äô

The Holy Land between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea contains some of the most sacred spaces for Muslims, Jews, and Christians alike. Jerusalem is the holiest site in Judaism, the home of Jewish patriarchs and prophets since the 10th century BCE.

On the same land, Muhammad both received revelation and ascended into heaven at the Dome of the Rock. For Christians, it is the birthplace of Jesus and the site of his crucifixion and ascension into heaven.

The Christian population in this area has long thrived among its Jewish and Muslim neighbors. However, the increasingly destructive Israeli occupation, endorsed by the current U.S. administration, has made the area essentially uninhabitable.

The result is a noticeable exodus of Christians from this territory. Before 1948, Palestinian Christians made up about 18 percent of the region’s population. Today they make up less than one percent.

The Exodus of Palestinian Christians from the Holy Land

If the current trend persists, pilgrims and tourists will likely be the only Christian representatives in the region in years to come.

Causes of Exodus

The Exodus of Palestinian Christians from the Holy Land

A dhimmi kneels before Muslim leaders 

Christian Zionist media, including the Christian Friends of Israel, presents the Palestinian Christian population as a recently-formed community of Arab migrants.

In reality, Palestinian Christians are some of the most deeply-connected members of the faith, tracing their ancestry in the region back to Biblical times.

Pro-Israel sources report that the exodus of Palestinian Christians is caused by two factors.

Firstly, they suggest that many Christians convert and intermarry with Muslims as a result of declining Christian birthrates. Secondly, they argue that Palestinian migration is part of a larger, historical exodus of Christians from the Holy Land.

They believe that migration dates back to the Ottoman Empire when Christians sought jobs in North and Latin America. This exodus is largely blamed on Islamic Fundamentalism and the discord between Islam and Christianity. After the 2003 Iraq War, one theory posits, destabilization allowed extremist groups to gain power. The violence of ISIS in the region is frequently cited as evidence of this religious discord.

Some reference the ancient dhimmi system as evidence of discrimination within the Muslim faith.

This historical distinction, meaning ‚Äúprotection‚ÄĚ or ‚Äúprotected person,‚ÄĚ was used to distinguish and ensure the legal rights of non-Muslims living in an Islamic state. Its use today, however, is an outdated scapegoat for the real cause of the exodus.

The Exodus of Palestinian Christians from the Holy Land

While the claims of the religious-discord argument are not entirely false, the larger flaw of this position is its problematic revisionist narrative that erases the struggles of Palestinian people.

The exodus of Christians actually betrays the oppressive ethnic cleansing inflicted upon the people of Palestine by the Israeli government.

As the U.S. continues to extend a hand to the Israeli regime, Palestinians are increasingly more opposed to the U.S. than to their Muslim neighbors.

Arab America interviewed with Rateb Rabie, founder, and president of the Holy Land Christian Ecumenical Foundation (HCEF), he revealed the real reasons of the exodus, as well as his own predictions for future peace in the region.

While some point to the religious tension between Muslims and Christians, most Palestinian Christians report that it is Israeli oppression that pushes them from their native land. Rabie cites discrimination against Palestinians as the primary cause of the exodus.

A¬†2017 study¬†by the Dar al-Kalima University in the West Bank has found that¬†‚Äúthe¬†pressure of Israeli occupation, ongoing constraints, discriminatory policies, arbitrary arrests, confiscation of lands‚ÄĚ has contributed to ‚Äúthe general sense of hopelessness among Palestinian Christians.‚ÄĚ Only a two percent minority of Palestinian Christians cite Muslim violence and extremism as the reason for their departure.

The Exodus of Palestinian Christians from the Holy Land

While it is true that Christians face persecution and are not guaranteed the same rights as their Muslim counterparts, at its heart the conflict is political, not religious.¬†It is a ‚Äúlanded conflict,‚ÄĚ Rabie says, stemming from the Israeli occupation of Palestinian territories. ‚ÄúWe are Palestinian first before we are Christian,‚ÄĚ Rabie states.

The conflict (and subsequent exodus) is a question of identity and ownership above religious belief.

Aside from their minority status, the relative ease with which the Christian population is able to assimilate into the culture of Western host countries also accounts for their particular population decrease.

Rabie suggests that ‚ÄúMuslims would leave if possible,‚ÄĚ or if the process of cultural assimilation was less draining and demeaning.

The discrimination and Islamophobia that many Muslims face is a major deterrent to immigration. Because of their shared faith, Western societies are more accepting of Palestinian Christians than Palestinian Muslims.

The Exodus of Palestinian Christians from the Holy Land

While the population of historical Palestinian (including Gaza, the West Bank, and Israel) today has increased to six million, Christians make up less than 1.7 percent. The majority of Palestinian Christians are Greek Orthodox.

Christianity itself began in Jerusalem, and the Palestinians living there were the original followers of Jesus. As Rateb Rabie says, Palestinians have been ‚Äúsaving the face‚ÄĚ of the Christain faith for over 2,000 years. In spite of oppression and discrimination, they have nobly upheld their practice and traditions.

Today, the plight of Palestinians is intertwined with Islamophobia. Western Christian organizations are eager to offer charitable support, especially when their donation is inspired by a deep-seated Islamophobia that encourages them to selectively help Christian populations in Muslim-majority countries.

Other Christians in countries like Syria, Rabie points out, avoid getting directly involved to distance themselves from the Islamophobia of Western Christian donors.

Restrictions on Faith and Livelihood

The Exodus of Palestinian Christians from the Holy Land

On a fundamental level, the Israeli occupation has made it very difficult for Palestinian Christians to practice their faith.

Restrictions imposed by the Israeli government prevent Christians from accessing their holy sites, as described in the 2011 State Department ‚ÄúReport on International Religious Freedom:‚ÄĚ

‚ÄúStrict closures and curfews imposed by the Israeli government negatively affected residents‚Äô ability to practice their religion at holy sites, including the Church of the Holy Sepulchre and al-Aqsa Mosque in Jerusalem, as well as the Church of the Nativity in Bethlehem.‚ÄĚ

‚ÄúThe separation barrier significantly impeded Bethlehem-area Christians from reaching the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem and made visits to Christian sites in Bethany and Bethlehem difficult for Palestinian Christians who live on the Jerusalem side of the barrier.‚ÄĚ

The Exodus of Palestinian Christians from the Holy Land

Physical barriers and other limitations prevent a complete celebration of faith. In addition, non-Christian settlers in Israel take out their anger toward the Israeli government on the Palestinian population. These attacks often involve the desecration and vandalism of Christian and Muslim holy sites and the targeting of religious leaders.

The Exodus of Palestinian Christians from the Holy Land

The Israeli human rights organization B’Tselem has even admitted to this brand of ethnic cleansing, stating that:

‚ÄúThe government has been taking actions to increase the number of Jews, and reduce the number of Palestinians, living in the city‚ÄĚ

Denied access to ancient holy sites, Palestinian Christians struggle to prove that their ‚Äúcenter of life‚ÄĚ rests in Jerusalem.

Without this confirmation, they are liable to have their residency rights and social benefits revoked. While the illegally-housed Jewish population has the right to move freely throughout the region, native Christian Palestinians are bombarded by arbitrary borders and restrictive permits.

It is very difficult for Palestinians to find jobs under the occupation. There is currently a 22 percent unemployment rate in the region, and many families struggle to support themselves financially.

The Exodus of Palestinian Christians from the Holy Land

Furthermore, the Israeli government protects Jewish extremists in their brutal, physically violent attacks on Palestinian Christians.

In March of this year, Israeli forces carried out attacks on Christian worshippers during a Palm Sunday procession in Jerusalem.

Bombs, guns, and knives have all been used against Palestinians, who may also be subject to arbitrary arrests.

Extremists burn farmland and destroy crops, making livelihood and sustenance impossible.

The Exodus of Palestinian Christians from the Holy Land

These attacks on Christian territory, as on the entire Palestinian population, are justified using religion. Zionists claim that the Jewish people have an inherent religious connection to the land.

This is a complete oversight of the religious ties of both Christians and Muslims. The brutality of the attacks contrast the sanctity and divinity of a religious appeal, and many wonder how faith can be used to so blatantly defend massacre.

False Narratives in Tourism

Even in tourism, an economic staple in the region, the narrative and perception of Palestinians, and Palestinian Christians is highly distortedby Israeli tour guides.

This false, damaging narrative reached nearly 3.5 million tourists in 2013. Christians taken to the Holy Land on educational tours are given a skewed version of the region’s history, one in which the role of Christianity is highly downplayed, if not entirely neglected.

 Palestinians are painted in a very negative light, and their persecution is glossed over entirely.

Israeli tour guides often completely avoid Christian holy sites on their tours, largely to prevent showcasing the abuses and destruction these areas have endured under the occupation.

Tourists have reported on the crude insensitivities of Isreali tour guides, describing how they were made to participate in role-playing simulations of Israeli soldiers attacking Palestinian ‚Äúterrorists.‚ÄĚ

U.S. Involvement: ‚ÄúTrump Handed Israel Policy to Evangelicals‚ÄĚ

The Exodus of Palestinian Christians from the Holy Land

Vice President Mike Pence has been at the center of the controversy since Trump’s Jerusalem declaration last December. Pence’s Evangelical Christian faith aligns him with the Jewish Zionists. In his speech at the beginning of this year to the Knesset, the Israeli legislature, Pence stated:

‚ÄúWe stand with Israel because your cause is our cause, your values are our values, and your fight is our fight‚Ķwe stand with Israel because we believe in right over wrong, in good over evil, and in liberty over tyranny.‚ÄĚ

In an¬†interview with¬†Vox,¬†American politics professor Elizabeth Oldmixon explains the American Christian Evangelical support of Israel. Evangelicals see the ‚Äúgathering of Jews in exile‚ÄĚ in the Holy Land as an indication of the highly awaited ‚Äúend of times,‚ÄĚ or Christ‚Äôs reign on Earth.

As strict followers of the Bible, Christian Zionists strictly abide by the passage in which God grants the Holy Land to the Jewish people.

Religious faith translates directly into political belief. Fifty-three percent of Trump’s evangelical demographic supported the Jerusalem move.

Palestinian Christian is not evangelical, so they do not possess the same religious vision.

Israeli control, coupled with Mike Pence’s faith-based declaration of American support, has wreaked havoc on the Palestinian population and ostracized their faith.

Understandably, Palestinians are broadly opposed to the current administration.

With America’s damaging influence exacted through the Israeli government, many have chosen to flee their native land altogether, escaping oppression both locally and from the West.

The Exodus of Palestinian Christians from the Holy Land

Pence had originally planned a pilgrimage to the Holy Lands, including meetings with many regional Christian leaders, but travel plans were canceled following uproar and protest about the Jerusalem move. Many church leaders felt the move would increase hatred and violence in the region. Although the protests were more muted than expected, the oppression continues for the Palestinian population.

The Exodus of Palestinian Christians from the Holy Land

‚ÄúTo declare Jerusalem as the capital based on some biblical argument is a dangerous thing,‚Ä̬†said Father Jamal Khader, the Catholic parish priest of Ramallah.

¬†‚ÄúHe‚Äôs wanting to separate Christians from the rest of the community. But we are part of the community.‚ÄĚ

This sentiment resonates in the hearts of many Christians in the region for whom removal from their native land is an absolute last resort.

Iskander El Hinn, a Christian Palestinian who fled to Ramallah with his family in 1948, is emboldened by his Palestinian identity and connection to the land:

‚ÄúAs a Palestinian, I am living where I belong, everywhere I go here is Palestine to me and Jerusalem is its capital‚Ķwe have been living here for thousands of years; no one can take us away from here.‚ÄĚ

Future Hopes

In spite of the exodus and the immense suffering of the Palestinian people, Rabie is encouraged by the dramatic increase in media coverage of the conflict in the past 30 years. He sees the increased exposure of the human rights violations as indicative of the ‚Äúbeginning of the end of Zionist Israel.‚ÄĚ

The public has come a long way in terms of its perception of Israel and support for Palestine, thanks to organizations like Rabie’s.

He says that Palestinians at home and abroad are hopeful for peace, but he emphasizes the need for continued education of American Christians on the severity of the conflict.

He recognizes that, even within Israel, much of the Jewish population and social media influencers are pro-peace. These incentives for peace, he argues, must be implemented.

Above all, Palestinians need justice. American Christians must commit themselves to this cause. Rabie discourages them from picking a side-Palestinian or Israeli.

Instead, he encourages Christians, Americans, and global activists to focus their energies and intentions on delivering justice where it is most needed to the long-suffering people of Palestine.

Perhaps then their land will become a home once more.

The End of Zionism: Thoughts and Next Steps

Israel is an apartheid country that is revved up by the anti-Christ spirit of ‚ÄúHate Thy Neighbor.‚ÄĚ

Zionism ‚ÄĒ the assertion that Jews have a right to violently establish and maintain an ethno-religious state in the homeland and at the expense of the Palestinian people ‚ÄĒ was, at least in the United States, a mainstream belief with support across the political spectrum.

In recent years, that consensus has crumbled.

Palestinians have led the global BDS movement that highlights how Zionism violates the rights of all Palestinians, and younger generations of Americans, including Jews, are turning away from an ideology that is more and more openly aligned with the most reactionary, right-wing and white supremacist forces.

Similar changes are happening all over the world. Though Zionism is on the retreat ideologically, Israel retains immense power and impunity.

What will it take to change this apparent stalemate, and shift the balance towards liberation for Palestinians?

The Zionist plot of the Holocaust‚ĄĘ

Until the present day, wide-spread confusion regarding the meaning of the terms Judaism and Zionism persists both inside and outside Israel.
As the popular opinion that the terms are synonyms implies the false assumption that anti-Zionism equals anti-Semitism, the Israeli right-wing regime uses this dangerous shortcut in order to justify its ongoing colonization of Palestine.
Based on the work of Israel’s New Historians, this master thesis aims at deconstructing the mainstream mindset concerning Judaism and Zionism by analysing the nature of the principal ideological streams and their complex interconnections before and after 1948; focussing on orthodox Judaism, religious Zionism, Jewish radical messianism, Jewish fundamentalism, the ideological change of traditional Zionism and, last but not least, the role of Christian Zionism in the United States.

The establishment of the State of Israel would have been possible without the Holocaust due to the Zionist movement, however the reparations from the Holocaust given by West Germany gave Israel the resources necessary to survive.

The Holocaust played an important role in the founding and long term visibility of the State of Israel in three respects: The Holocaust motivated large numbers of immigrants to move to the new country, providing the necessary population; secondly, the Holocaust enabled Israel to pressure Germany into supplying the economic base necessary to build infrastructure and support those immigrants; and finally, the Holocaust swayed world opinion so that the United Nations approved the State of Israel in 1948.

“The Zionist movement did not send any assistance, financial or otherwise, for the victims of Nazism and it did not allow any other side to provide any kind of aid.

The Zionist movement concealed the information that came from within the ghetto walls and concentration camps, news that shed light on what was really happening.

If it had to publish anything, it did so by questioning that information and diminishing its importance.”

“Zionism adopted the Nazi selection principle, when it went to save Jews from the slaughter.

It made itself the ultimate arbiter regarding Jewish life, deciding who deserves to live and who deserves to die.”

“The Zionist movement did not make any effort to convince Western countries to take in the Jewish refugees escaping the horrors of the Holocaust.

It even placed obstacles I the way of efforts made by Christian groups or by non-Zionist Jews or a number of countries that saw fit to find a solution to this humanitarian problem.”

“All of this wasn’t enough – the Zionist movement led a broad campaign of incitement against the Jews living under Nazi rule to arouse the government’s hatred of them, to fuel vengeance against them.”

From Mahmoud Abbas’ book “The Other Side: The Secret Relationship Between Nazism and Zionism” (Billsan Publising House, Ramallah, 2011), based on his doctoral dissertation.

*****

Among other things, “How can one believe that the Zionist movement, which set out to protect a nation, would later become the reason for its destruction?

History teaches us about (the Emperor) Nero who torched Rome.

But Nero was mad, and his madness rids him of the responsibility to his actions.

History also teaches us about leaders who betrayed their people and their country and sold them out to their enemies.

But these leaders are isolated. They alone carry the responsibility for their actions.

But when a large national public movement conspires against its ‘people,’ well that is embarrassing…

“An Arab proverb says: ‘If a dispute arises between thieves, the theft is discovered.’

This is what happened with the Zionist movement.

When ‘Labor’ (Mapai) was in power in the State of Israel, it refused to include the revisionists and those started exposing facts and blowing away the smoke screen of lies.

We cannot fail to mention that many of the Zionist movement’s people during the war were amazed of the results of the cooperation between the Zionists and the Nazis, and the massive amount of victims struck them with terror‚Ķ

To this one must add that many documents from the Third Reich had reached many hands, which allowed us to present these documents that illustrate the nature of the relations and cooperation between the Nazis and the Zionist movement.”

The original cover of Abbas' book

The original cover of Abbas’ book

 

How Czechoslovakia Helped israel Win

History is full of surprises..

The most spectacular moment was the Czech ‚Äúno‚ÄĚ to the Palestinian UN bid to become a non-member, i.e. against overwhelming majority of EU countries, who voted ‚Äúyes‚ÄĚ or abstained.

The commencement of very close relations between Czechoslovakia, or the Czech Republic, with Israel dates back to tumultuous times before the establishment of the Jewish state. Jan Masaryk, son of Tom√°Ň° Garrigue Masaryk, and then foreign minister, followed in his father‚Äôs footsteps.

He was also an ardent supporter of the Zionist cause, and in 1947 Czechoslovakia was one of 33 countries to vote in favor of the UN partition resolution recommending the establishment of a Jewish state. Czechoslovak support for Israel continued even after the Communist putsch in February 1948.

On May 18, 1948, four days after Israel’s declaration of independence, Czechoslovakia was among the first countries to recognize the State of Israel. Diplomatic relations between the two countries were established on July 3, 1948.

Czechoslovakia provided not only political but also military support, which was crucial for Israel’s victory in the first Arab-Israeli War.

Israel can thank the former Czechoslovakia for gaining the upper hand in the Arab-Israeli War in 1948, when Prague broke a U.N. embargo to send it weapons, including 80 planes, and train pilots including future Israeli President Ezer Weizman, tipping the balance.

Under an embargo imposed by the United Nations, the Jewish forces were short of arms and ammunition, and Czechoslovakia was then the only country willing to sell weapons to the Yishuv after World War II.

The newly established Israeli state, therefore, bought military aircraft and weapons from Czechoslovakia.

Twenty-five Avia S-199 fighters, 61 Supermarine Spitfire fighter aircraft, and other weapons and ammunition were sold to Israel.

The exact numbers are hard to find due to lack of records, but during the year 1948 Israel purchased from Czechoslovakia 34,500 Mauser P-18 guns, 20,000 bayonets, almost 50 million bullets, 5,515 Spandau MG-34 light machine guns with 10,000 ammo belts, 500 ZB-26 light machine guns, 900 ZB37 heavy machine guns, and 500 CZ vz. 27 pistols with ammunition.

Another problem Israel had to face, beside the arms shortage, was the shortage of trained and experienced air force pilots. Training Israeli pilots in Czechoslovakia was thus also highly important for the new Israeli army. Specifically, 82 pilots and 69 ground specialists were trained in Czechoslovakia.

Training was conducted in air bases in ńĆesk√© Budńõjovice, Hradec Kr√°lov√©, and Prostńõjov. Many of these pilots later became part of the First Fighter Squadron of the Israeli Air Force.

One of these people was the future commander of the Israeli air force and Israel’s president Ezer Weizman.

The eloquent words of the first Israeli Prime Minister, David Ben Gurion, show the significance of help from Czechoslovakia: “They saved our country. I don’t doubt it.

The Czech weapons were the most important help that we got. They saved us, and I doubt very much that we would have survived the first month without them.‚ÄĚ And he is not the only Israeli official known for making such a claim.

For instance, Yitzhak Rabin, an IDF commander in Israel‚Äôs War of Independence and later Israel‚Äôs prime minister, said, that ‚Äúwithout the arms from Czechoslovakia‚Ķ it is very doubtful whether we would have been able to conduct the war.‚ÄĚ

Communist Black Chapter

The Jewish mafia helped israel: “all our ships carrying weapons to Israel were registered in Panama and flew under the Panamanian flag.”

However, in February 1948, Communists seized power in Czechoslovakia, and the country fell under the Soviet sphere of influence.

Under these circumstances, Czechoslovak support for Israel had to conform to the Kremlin’s political line. An independent foreign policy in the Eastern Bloc was nearly impossible.

After 1948, it was becoming obvious that Israel would not become a part of the Eastern Bloc, and Israel-USSR relations began to deteriorate.

In the eyes of the USSR, Israel ceased to be an ally and became an agent of American imperialism in the Middle East.

A logical consequence of this development was that support for newly established Israel was denied and former Soviet support for Zionism turned into open enmity.

Anti-Zionism became common all over the Eastern Bloc, and even Czechoslovakia did not avoid it.

In this respect, the infamous Sl√°nsk√Ĺ trial of 1952 must be mentioned. Rudolf Sl√°nsk√Ĺ was secretary-general of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, and the second most powerful man in Czechoslovakia after President Klement Gottwald.

Delegates at the 18th Zionist Congress, Prague, Czechoslovakia, 1933

His Jewish origin was one of the main reasons why he was chosen to be the showcase in this show trial. Along with 13 other high-ranking Communist officials (11 of whom were also of Jewish descent), he was accused of a Zionist-Titoist-Trotskyist conspiracy and charged with high treason.

All the defendants were forced to plead guilty for spying, treason, sabotage, and disclosure of military secrets. In this show trial, Rudolf Sl√°nsk√Ĺ and 10 other accused people were sentenced to death and hanged.

The remaining three people received a life sentence. Show trials like this were not uncommon in the Eastern Bloc.

They were inspired by trials in the USSR, and similar trials had also been staged in Poland, Hungary, and Bulgaria.

Anti-Zionist moods were on the rise at that time, and Czechoslovakia’s Communist government blamed Israel for disrupting the Czechoslovak state and its economy.

Israel‚ÄĚ 'safe haven for pedophiles' | Scoundrel Watch

Zionist Occupied Palestine  is a haven for criminals

That was the reason why two Israelis, Simon Orenstein and Mordecai Oren, were arrested and forced to testify in the Sl√°nsk√Ĺ trial.

Eventually, both were found guilty of being agents of Western imperialism and traitors to the Communist regime and sentenced to many years of imprisonment.

Fortunately for both of them, the former was released and expelled to Israel in 1954 and the latter two years later.

Another blow for relations with Israel came in 1967. All the Communist countries in the Soviet Bloc except Romania completely severed their diplomatic ties with Israel after the Six-Day War.

For this reason, for more than 20 years, there were no official relations between Czechoslovakia and Israel. These years belong to the darkest chapters of modern Czech history and Czechoslovakia-Israel relations.

Following Masaryk’s Tradition after 1989

The fall of Communism in 1989 was the beginning of a new chapter in Czechoslovak- (and later Czech-) Israel relations.

The election of V√°clav Havel on December 29, 1989, itself was a turning point. Three days after his election, the new Czechoslovak president said in his New Year address that he would be happy if diplomatic relations with Israel were established before the elections.

His wish was fulfilled soon thereafter. In those euphoric times, diplomatic ties were renewed in February 1990, and two months later, President V√°clav Havel was the first head of the post-Communist countries to visit Israel.

‚ÄúAs a newly forming democracy, we sympathize with Israeli democracy,‚ÄĚ Havel said on the occasion of the reestablishment of relations with Israel.

He also appreciated the contribution of Jews to Czech and Slovak culture. V√°clav Havel followed the legacy of Tom√°Ň° G. Masaryk, who was not afraid to act in the Hilsner affair and stood up decisively against anti-Zionism.

We can say that Havel continued with the friendly policy toward Jews and Zionism set by both Tom√°Ň° G. Masaryk and his son Jan Masaryk.

V√°clav Havel with Ezer Weizman
Czech President Václav Havel’s 1997 meeting with Israel’s President Ezer Weizman in Jerusalem. (Sa’ar Ya’acov/GPO)

Václav Havel’s activities to support Israel continued after leaving presidential office in 2003.

Together with many other personalities from political and cultural life, he became involved with the Friends of Israel Initiative, which was founded by former Spanish Prime Minister José Maria Aznar.

It aims to ‚Äúseek to counter the attempts to delegitimize the State of Israel and its right to live in peace within safe and defensible borders.‚ÄĚ [Occupying Palestine land]

After V√°clav Havel, his successors V√°clav Klaus and MiloŇ° Zeman continued in his pro-Israel policy. The same applies to all governments since 1989.

Close and outstanding relations with Israel are a priority and where there is a unanimous consensus between democratic parties it does not matter who is in power.

Back in 2013, Milos Zeman, the Czech president, advocated that his country’s embassy in Israel should be moved from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem. That was more than four years before Donald Trump announced that the US would take such a reckless step.

The Czech Republic is one of the closest allies to Israel within the European Union, where a friendly attitude toward Israel is not common.

Here are a few recent examples of Czech support for Israel: In 2006, when Israel fought Hizbullah, the Czech Republic, unlike many EU countries, stressed the right of Israel to defend itself.

More than two years later, at the turn of 2008‚Äď2009, the Czech Republic was also one of the few countries that did not condemn Israel‚Äôs Operation Cast Lead against Hamas in Gaza.

the Czech Republic support all of “israel’s” aggression and atrocities.

BAnd when it comes to voting in the UN General Assembly, the Czech Republic is one of a few countries that usually does not vote in favor of anti-Israeli resolutions.

Not only political, but also economic relations have been flourishing since 1990. Israel is a producer of cutting-edge technologies and thus a very attractive business partner for many Czech companies, while on the other hand, strong relations with the Czech Republic are strategically important for Israeli companies

. The Czech Republic allows Israeli companies to enter the European market.

Recent military cooperation must be mentioned, too. For instance, in late 2008, Israel was the only country that agreed to help train Czech helicopter pilots and crews in desert conditions for their upcoming mission in Afghanistan.

The training was conducted in the Negev Desert. Israel considered this an opportunity to express its gratitude to the Czechs for training Israeli pilots during the first Arab-Israeli war.

Even though the geographical distance between the two countries is more than 2,600 km, we cannot find a European country with closer relations with Israel than the Czech Republic.

Maintaining and strengthening the existing ties between the Czech Republic and Israel is desirable and necessary.

Good mutual relations are, in many aspects, in the best interest of both democratic countries.

ISRAEL UNMASKED

This book shows us how twisted the Israelis are. It’s a must read.

Andrew and Leslie Cockburns 1991 book on Israels relations with the C.I.A is still a valuable book with regard to the reality of the Israeli States involvement in the world at large.

It details a diverse range of issues from the arms deals to Iran which continued seamlessly from the Shah to the Ayatolah, Israeli involvement with the right wing dictatorships of Central America, its collaboration with apartheid era South Africa on weapons programmes (nuclear and conventional), its kidnapping and murder operations overseas as well as spying and industrial espionage in the United States.

Even for the most hardened cynic of Israeli actions (based on a study of reality not prejudice) will be astonished at the sheer opportunism and sickening character of Israeli actions including arms sales and training to Columbian drug cartels.

The nature of the Israeli Arms industry is curtly summed up in the statement of an industry executive bemoaning the “threat of peace” and the end of the murderous wars of Central America.

Other issues involve the Israelis contempt for the sovereignty of other nations – witness the ham fisted murder of a Norwegian waiter of Morrocan origins in front of his pregnant girlfriend and the abduction of the courageous Israeli whistle blower Vanunu from Italy.

There is no limit to the opportunism of the Israeli establishment, “Is it good for Israelis?” seems to be the only measure – morals, ethics are just not in the picture.

Even their closest allies in the U.S. are treated with contempt from time to time for instance the Israelis had intelligence relating to the truck bombing of U.S. personnel in Lebanon in 1983 abut didn’t pass it on.

One looks forward to the day the Israelis are put in their place.

Zionism needs to be crushed.

This book should be essential to anyone interested in the real facts about Israels foreign and covert policies, it is well sourced and includes interesting interviews with many of the figures involved, though perhaps not the best read if you are not familiar with modern Middle Eastern history and Israeli relations with the U.S.

Zionism, The OTHER Virus- Is Sweeping the Nation

‚Äʬ†March 31, 2020

Twenty-eight states now have some form of legislation that denies state services or jobs to anyone who does not sign an agreement to not boycott Israel.

Politicians, bureaucrats and media talking heads have long turned a blind eye to legislation and policies that benefit the state of Israel to the detriments of United States’ interests.

The U.S. Treasury is plausibly describable as a gift that never stops giving to the people and governments of Jewish state.

Since the foundation of Israel in 1948, the federal government in Washington has provided some $142.3 billion in direct aid of various kinds.

Currently, Israel receives $3.8 billion per annum guaranteed for ten years, a sum that is supplemented by various giveaways, tax concessions and co-production arrangements from the government.

Private ‚Äúcharitable‚ÄĚ donations from individuals, businesses and foundations, some of which are fraudulent, considerably augment those numbers, making the total that Israel receives annually from the United States well in excess of $10 billion.

A considerable proportion of that money is technically illegal, as it goes in support of the Israeli settlements on Arab land.

No other country has received anything even approaching what Israel gets from the American taxpayer in one form or another and the one-way flow of money is also remarkable in that it has been guaranteed well into the future.

Other benefits obtained by Israel from the United States are less easy to quantify, to include the theft of U.S. military technology, which is then copied and sold by the Israeli arms industry, directly eliminating American jobs in one of the few manufacturing sectors that is relatively speaking thriving.

There is also the observable transfer of high-tech jobs from the U.S. to Israel, engineered by Jewish billionaires like Paul Singer who are able to influence such decisions in the corporate world.

Israel also benefits enormously from the United States-Israel Free Trade Agreement of 1985, which is, by design, intended to give the Jewish state free access to the huge U.S. market without any real reciprocity for U.S. companies to enter the tiny Israeli market.

Israel also is able to bid on U.S. government contracts, including classified defense contracts, a practice that has led to several lawsuits when the Israeli company gets a contract by lowballing the bid but then fails to perform.

In some cases, Israeli companies have submitted low bids to obtain contracts at state and federal levels even when they had no relevant experience and no facilities that can actually perform the work.

They pocket the subsidies and advance payments they receive from local governments and states and then effectively disappear.

The desire of some American Jews who occupy powerful positions to aid Israel at the expense of the United States is despicable, sustained by the lie that Israel is an ally and that both countries ultimately benefit from the process.

Israel’s ability to impose its own priorities at the levels of Congress and the White House has long been observed, but its political manipulation and ability to corrupt U.S. democracy on behalf of a foreign power have lately been extended to the state and local levels.

This shift is due in part to the desire on the part of Israel’s promoters to shut down the growing Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement.

It has proven difficult to pass an unconstitutional national level ban on non-violent criticism of Israel going through Congress, so the Israel firsters have instead concentrated on the states.

Twenty-eight states now have some form of legislation that denies state services or jobs to anyone who does not sign an agreement to not boycott Israel.

A particularly draconian bill being considered in Florida equates any criticism of Israel with anti-Semitism, enabling any critic to be sued in courts for hate speech.

A particularly egregious and also unique example of a state’s economic policies being manipulated by a dedicated Israeli fifth column in government is the Virginia Israel Advisory Board.

Grant Smith, long a critic of the VIAB, heads the Institute for Research: Middle Eastern Policy (IRMEP).

He has written a new book entitled The Israel Lobby Enters State Government: Rise of the Virginia Israel Advisory Board, which documents in considerable detail how the conspiracy by powerful Jews in Virginia to benefit Israel has actually operated, much of it secretly through special arrangements and deals.

He has also had a long interview with Scott Horton of Antiwar.com regarding the book which is well worth listening to.

The VIAB is unique because it is actually part of the Virginia state government. It is funded by the Commonwealth of Virginia and is able to access funds from other government agencies to support Israeli businesses.

It is staffed by Israelis and American Jews drawn from what has been described as the ‚ÄúIsrael advocacy ecosystem‚ÄĚ and is self-administered, appointing its own members and officers.

While there are many Israel business promotion entities active in the United States, only Virginia has such a group actually sitting within the government itself, ready to make secret preferential agreements, to arrange special concessions on taxes and to establish start-up subsidies for Israeli businesses.

Israeli business projects have been, as a result, regularly funded using Virginia state resources with little accountability.

Bear in mind that this agency exists not to promote Virginia businesses but rather to give an advantage to Israeli businesses, some of which might even be competing with existing Virginia companies and putting local people out of work.

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25 years ago, Cynthia McKinney warned us that our government was taken over by another power. This interview we talk with McKinney and look at what has happened in the U.S. government, why chaos in the United States is occurring, who is behind it, and what we should do about it.

Virginia already runs an estimated $500 million trade deficit with Israel due to the federal Free Trade Agreement and the promotion of Israeli businesses in the state, which repatriate their profits to Israel, adds considerably to that sum.

Smith reports how VIAB is not just an economic mechanism. Its charter states that it was ‚Äúcreated to foster closer economic integration between the United States and Israel while supporting the Israeli government‚Äôs policy agenda.‚ÄĚ

Smith also has observed that ‚ÄúVIAB is a pilot for how Israel can quietly obtain taxpayer funding and official status for networked entities that advance Israel from within key state governments.‚ÄĚ

Jewish federations and groups active on behalf of Israel were present in Virginia before VIAB was founded in 1996.

Its Godfather was Eric Cantor, a state legislator who later entered Congress as the only Jewish Republican, where he was a powerful advocate for Israel.

The board grew significantly under governor Terry McAuliffe‚Äôs administration (2014-2018). McAuliffe, regarded by many as the Clintons‚Äô ‚Äúbag man,‚ÄĚ received what were regarded as generous out-of-state campaign contributors from actively pro-Israeli billionaires Haim Saban and J.B. Pritzker, who were both affiliated with the Democratic Party.

McAuliffe met regularly in off-the-record ‚Äúno press allowed‚ÄĚ sessions with Israel advocacy groups and spoke about ‚Äúthe Virginia Advisory Board and its successes.‚ÄĚ

That was, of course, a self-serving lie by one of the slimiest of the Clinton unindicted criminals.

And wherever Israel goes there is inevitably going to be the usual hanky-panky.

Many of the Israeli companies chowing down on the Virginia feed bag are located on land stolen from Arabs on the West Bank.

Antisemitismus in der arabischen Welt | Nach der Wahrheit graben

They are illegal under international law, even if President Donald Trump and company have declared otherwise.

And then there are the conflicts of interest. VIAB board member Aviva Frye, whose family mostly resides in Israel and who worked to obtain the government approvals for an Israeli solar and wind energy company called Energix, located on the West Bank, was subsequently rewarded with a company directorship.

And one hand inevitably washes the other. Board member Eileen Filler-Corn, a leading advocate for Israel, recently became the first woman to become speaker of the Virginia House of Delegates.

Grant Smith reports how she benefited greatly in her campaign by virtue of large donations from other board members as well as from Jewish groups and Israeli companies.

The VIAB is little more than a mechanism set up to carry out licensed robbery of Virginia state resources being run by a cabal of local American Jews and Israelis to benefit their co-religionists in Israel.

Grant Smith observes how some pushback is finally in evidence, due to fraud in accounting procedures that have been exposed as well as environmental devastation for various projects that were never completed.

Some human rights groups have also begun to challenge the illegality of the Israeli West Bank settlement-based companies involved.

But it is not enough and it is probably too late as Israel is never held accountable for anything by the American Establishment.

For my part, as a Virginia resident I have written and called the governor’s office and the offices of my state Senator and Delegate.

No one has returned my calls or responded to my letters. Whose America is it? one might well ask.

Philip M. Giraldi, Ph.D., is Executive Director of the Council for the National Interest, a 501(c)3 tax deductible educational foundation (Federal ID Number #52-1739023) that seeks a more interests-based U.S. foreign policy in the Middle East. Website is councilforthenationalinterest.org, address is P.O. Box 2157, Purcellville VA

Nazisreal Out of Middle East

Britain played & is still playing a huge role in Palestinian Holocaust. The British wanted to protect their strategic interests in the region and Zionism was the tool they used. Holocausts are designed to terrorize populations into fleeing their homelands to where the Dark Forces wants them.

‚ÄúMenahem Begin, the Leader of the Irgun, tells how ‚Äėin Jerusalem, as elsewhere, we were the first to pass from the defensive to the offensive…Arabs began to flee in terror…Hagana was carrying out successful attacks on other fronts, while all the Jewish forces proceeded to advance through Haifa like a knife through butter‚Äô…The Israelis now allege that the Palestine war began with the entry of the Arab armies into Palestine after 15 May 1948.

But that was the second phase of the war; they overlook the massacres, expulsions and dispossessions which took place prior to that date and which necessitated Arab states‚Äô intervention.‚ÄĚ Sami Hadawi, ‚ÄúBitter Harvest.‚ÄĚ

The Deir Yassin Massacre of Palestinians by “Jewish” soldiers

Image result for ww2 Jews lined up to be shot

Nazi

‚ÄúFor the entire day of April 9, 1948, Irgun and LEHI soldiers carried out the slaughter in a cold and premeditated fashion…The attackers ‚Äėlined men, women and children up against the walls and shot them,‚Äô…The ruthlessness of the attack on Deir Yassin shocked Jewish and world opinion alike, drove fear and panic into the Arab population, and led to the flight of unarmed civilians from their homes all over the country.‚ÄĚ Israeli author, Simha Flapan, ‚ÄúThe Birth of Israel.‚ÄĚ

Image result for nazi massacre of jews

Nazi

‚ÄúBy 1948, the Jew was not only able to ‚Äėdefend himself‚Äô but to commit massive atrocities as well. Indeed, according to the former director of the Israeli army archives, ‚Äėin almost every village occupied by us during the War of Independence, acts were committed which are defined as war crimes, such as murders, massacres, and rapes‚Äô…Uri Milstein, the authoritative Israeli military historian of the 1948 war, goes one step further, maintaining that ‚Äėevery skirmish ended in a massacre of Arabs.‚Äô‚ÄĚ Norman Finkelstein, ‚ÄúImage and Reality of the Israel-Palestine Conflict.‚ÄĚ

Nazi

Of about 144 houses, 10 were dynamited. The cemetery was later bulldozed and, like hundreds of other Palestinian villages to follow, Deir Yassin was wiped off the map. By September, Orthodox Jewish immigrants from Poland, Rumania, and Slovakia were settled there over the objections of Martin Buber, Cecil Roth and other Jewish leaders, who believed that the site of the massacre should be left uninhabited.

Jewish refugee arrival in Palestine

The center of the village was renamed Givat Shaul Bet. As Jerusalem expanded, the land of Deir Yassin became part of the city and is now known simply as the area between Givat Shaul and the settlement of Har Nof on the western slopes of the mountain.