War on Terror: Israel Profiteers

According to J.P. London’s company, CACI International, the visit of London — sponsored by an Israeli lobby group and including U.S. congressmen and other defense contractors — was “to promote opportunities for strategic partnerships and joint ventures between U.S. and Israeli defense and homeland security agencies.”

The Arlington, Virginia based CACI International has reincarnated itself under various names since it was founded in 1962 by Harry Markowitz, the 1990 Nobel laureate for Economics.[1]

Presently, it employs 9500 individuals working in its more than 100 offices in North America and Europe. According to its website, it provides ‘IT and network solutions’ in an era of ‘defense, intelligence and e-government’.[2]

Between August and December 2003, CACI was awarded 11 contracts, worth about $66 million for work in Iraq alone.[3]. In 2004 CACI was the subject of five different government investigations.[4]

CACI has strong Israeli ties and according to Robert Fisk one of Staphanovic’s co-workers, Joe Ryan – who was not named in the Taguba report – now says he underwent an ‘Israeli interrogation course’ before going to Iraq.’ [Google will deter you from the  Caci International site but just keep going]. Apparently there are those who don’t want us to read it.

J.P. London, the CEO of the company, visited Israel on a trip sponsored by an Israeli lobby group along with U.S. congressmen and other defense contractors.

In early 2004 he also attended an ‘anti-terror” training camp in Israel where he ‘was presented with an award by Shaul Mofaz, the right-wing Israeli defense minister’. [6]

This clip is from the 2006 film, “Iraq For Sale”

Arms Sales

The nature of today’s U.S. arms exports is different from those in the 1990s, as the U.S. is not supplying these weapons to allies like Israel, Egypt, Saudi Arabia and other Arab monarchies for defensive purposes.

Just as the U.S. has used its own war machine to commit aggression around the world since the 1980s, and more systematically since 2001, it now sells offensive weapons to its allies with the clear, if unspoken, understanding that they will use them to attack and threaten their neighbors, thereby expanding the U.S.’s aggressive war policy by proxy.

War crimes by U.S. allies rarely lead to any loss of U.S. logistical or diplomatic support, as we have seen after Israeli attacks on Lebanon and Palestine and in the Saudi-led war on Yemen.

In fact, the U.S. government has rallied to support its allies by quickly and quietly replenishing their weapons stocks and vetoing UN Security Council resolutions to investigate orrespond to their crimes.

The U.S. State Department has an appalling record of failing to enforce U.S. laws that require the suspension of arms sales to countries that use U.S. weapons to kill civilians or otherwise violate international humanitarian law.

The current regime of U.S. arms exports is part of a deliberate strategy to outsource U.S. war-making, projecting military power through alliances with U.S.-armed client states as a substitute for direct U.S. military action.

This minimizes both domestic opposition from a war-weary U.S. public and growing international resistance to the catastrophic results of U.S. wars, while U.S. military-industrial interests are well served by ever-growing arms sales to allied governments.

Hitching U.S. interests and foreign policy to repressive regimes around the world is nothing new.

In the 1960s and 1970s, the U.S. built the Shah of Iran’s military forces into the fifth largest army in the world, even as Amnesty International reportedthat Iranhad 25,000 to 100,000 political prisoners and “the highest rate of death penalties in the world, no valid system of civilian courts and a history of torture that is beyond belief.” The predictable result of the U.S.’s

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